Vessel traffic services (VTS) & coastal surveillance system (CSS) Essay

Vessel traffic services (VTS) & coastal surveillance system (CSS) - Essay Example International Maritime Organization (IOM) defines Vessel traffic services (VTS) â€Å"as a service implemented by a competent authority designed to improve the safety and efficiency of vessel traffic and to protect the environment. The service should have the capability to interact with the traffic and to respond to traffic situations developing in the VTS area† (Paine, n. d. p.3). Functions of Vessel Traffic Service (VTS) The main function of a Vessel Traffic Service (VTS) is to provide active monitoring and navigational advice for vessels in particularly congested and busy waterways hence it enhances safety of life and property and optimizes the marine traffic flow. Except this Vessel Traffic Services Protect the environment by early detecting the leakage or spillage of any pollutant material Enhance efficiency of vessel movements and port marine resources Provide information to the concerning authorities about movements of ships carrying hazardous or noxious cargo onboard. Provide Search and Rescue assistance Classification of Vessel Traffic Services Vessel Traffic Services are classified either on the basis of surveillance or location. On the basis of surveillance VTS are classified into two classes. These two classes are Surveilled and Non-surveilled. According to US Cost Guard Navigational Center (2005), ‘surveilled systems consist of one or more land-based sensors (i.e. radar, AIS and closed circuit television sites), which output their signals to a central location where operators monitor and manage vessel traffic movement. ... The system which provides the monitoring and navigation assistance while entering or leaving a port, when sailing through waters or along the rivers is called as Harbor (or Port) Vessel Traffic Services System. Costal VTS mainly concerned with maritime trafficking passing through a particular cost line (SOLAS Ch V-Regulation, n. d.). VTS and VTSMIS The primary purpose of a VTS (as defined by IALA) is to provide active navigational and monitoring advice i. e; to give a clear, concise, real-time picture of vessel traffic movements at ports and in deep waters, hence to avoid any collision incident. In changing global scenario as economic factors have received priority the trade and ties are rapidly increasing. Consequently vessel traffic across the globe is increasing. Therefore the sever conditions of competition, unregulated use of sea space and asymmetric threats stimulate the increase risks, violations of legal norms and constant necessity of critical services at sea (Dereliev, 2004 pp.115-116). Hence to fulfill the wide range of applications VTS employs a variety of hardware and software modules that collect, integrate, assess and display sensor data in a manner that provides a comprehensive representation of the vessel traffic situation to VTS operators (NORCONTROL IT AS, 2005). This enhanced Vessel Traffic Services System along with traffic planning and screening tools is called Vessel Traffic Management and Information System (VTMIS). VTMIS System Architecture VTMIS is capable of doing all type of surveillance activates. It employs a variety of hardware and software modules that collect, integrate, assess and display sensor data in a manner that provides a comprehensive

FINANCIAL STATEMENT ANALTSIS Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words - 1

FINANCIAL STATEMENT ANALTSIS - Essay Example Section 2 provides a comparative analysis of the impact of IFRS’ adoption on financial reporting quality and capital market). Section 3 evaluates the consequences and overall impact of adoption of the IFRS in EU and Section 4 is concluding part of the essay. Accounting quality is an important aspect of financial reporting as this information serves as a strategic source for stakeholders and influences their decisions. With the adoption of the IFRS the rules and norms of financial reporting have been changed and modified, causing different opinions among various groups of stakeholders (Lopes, Cerqueira, and Brandao, 2010). It is widely debated whether the adoption of the IFRS has improved the quality of financial reporting among the EU firms (Lopes, Cerqueira, and Brandao, 2010). Thus, for example, several researchers have analysed the impact of IFRS adoption and the change in cash flows and net income, and concluded that the companies applying IAS have more value relevance of earnings, less earnings management and more timely loss recognition between the period before and after adoption of IFRS (Barth et al 2008; Christensen, Lee & Walker, 2008). These researchers believe that reliance of the IFRS leads to higher accounting quality, how ever, only in case of the firms are incentivised to be transparent and to adopt IFRS (Lopes, Cerqueira, and Brandao, 2010). According to Christensen, Lee & Walker (2008), the firms, which were forced to adopt the IFRS, did not show improvements in accounting quality. Some researchers have identified some potential problems associated with the IFRS adoption and financial reporting quality. One of the concerns related to IFRS adoption and its impact on the accounting quality is associated with risk of different interpretations of IFRS (Lopes, Cerqueira, and Brandao, 2010). Researchers determined some of the following areas for possible variations in interpretation: intangible

What Is A Total Institution

What Is A Total Institution This paper will argue that the model of the total institution can offer insight into the workings of the Caribbean sugar plantation under slavery. In attempting to make this connection, it is essentially looking at the model in the light of the history of the sugar plantation, as well as looking at the history through the lens of the theory. And so it will argue that the model offers some insight, but that there are clear limits to its applicability. The theory of the total institution is a theory of relationships, not of the institution that contains them. Also the point is not to argue that the plantations were designed as total institutions, but that the total institution model contains widely applicable truths about the nature of human social organisations, and the place that individuals find in them, that explain particular aspects of the plantation. The one great difference between the plantation and the total institutions that inspired the development of the concept is that the purpose of plantations is profit, through the production of a commodity, while this is seldom the case with asylums and prisons; even if they are run for profit, their aim is to achieve control, not to produce anything by means of this control. What is a total institution? Total institution is a concept introduced by the sociologist Erving Goffman in his book Asylums: Essays on the Condition of the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates (1961) to describe an institution that functions by monopolising the reality of those inmates it seeks to control. There are two aspects of the concept that relate to the institution of the sugar plantation. The first concerns the way in which power is exercised to a degree that makes all those involved as inmates and supervisors bound to follow its dictates. The total institution is one which encompasses every aspect of its inmates relationship with the world, and controls them by controlling their understanding and their motivations. The other aspect of the total institution concerns the inmates themselves they internalise the rules and perspectives of the institution, and define themselves by their standards; essentially investing their identity in the role they are taught to play. Goffman argued that this was true of those with authority in the institution, as well as those whose behaviour and consciousness it was designed to shape. Perhaps the most important thing about this model, with respect to the sugar plantations, is that Goffman did not see the total institution as a narrowly defined tool, invented to control inmates, on the lines of Jeremy Benthams Panopticon (Smith, 2008). Rather, it is a natural outcome of the evolution of universal human and social realities within institutions which pursue their ends through a close control over the circumstances and behaviour of their inmates, because this control is effective. The power of the total institution The most powerful argument for the usefulness of the total institution model with respect to the sugar plantation is the way in which the plantation could function with such minimal physical control. Murrell (2000, 14) suggests that religion played a central role in achieving the domination that allowed slavery to persist. The complex and ambiguous role of religion in the culture of the plantation economies cannot be pursued here in any detail, but it seems fair to suggest that religion played the role that the therapeutic and normative discourse of psychology plays in Goffmans account of the asylum. A measure of the power of the slave plantation as a total institution, one which shaped the behaviour and understanding of its inmates, would be the longevity of the social relations it defined between people. The extent that plantation economies, along with the racial domination and colonial power that enabled them, survived after the abolition of slavery suggests the degree to which the social relations and identities defined during slavery had shaped the word-view of former slaves and their descendants. And slavery, in exercising virtually unlimited domination over people seen as naturally subordinate, imposed a model of family structure and gender relations on slaves which served the economic interests of their masters,(Wiltshire-Brodber, 2002) without respect for the innate desire which all people have for the closeness and security of a family. According to the total institution model, this would result in slaves embracing the roles defined for them, and internalising the identities that these roles define. And there is evidence of this effect in the way that gender relations in Caribbean societies, especially among the poorest sectors of society, continue to reflect patterns and identities that have their roots in the logic of the plantation. Matrilocal patterns of family structure and a strong belief in the value of female autonomy are combined with a strong patriarchal ideology (Momsen, 2002). Limits of the total institution model. While the total institution model can explain a great deal about the manner in which plantations functioned under slavery, there are limits to its applicability. These limits fall under two categories, which correspond, in a sense, the perspectives of those controlling, and those controlled by, the institution of the plantation. The first set of limits is illustrated by the many ways in which the total institution was subverted. The pattern of these subversive activities varied from island to island, and probably from plantation to plantation, included the survival of African religions, hidden or evolved into syncretic African-Christian forms such as sateria and used to define an identity distinct from that hypocritically imposed by western religious institutions, the persistence of secret practices, from planning for rebellion to distilling to informal patterns of domination and association, and the recourse to escape, at least on larger islands. Religion is interesting in that it so clearly plays an ambiguous role as an institution in the history of slavery. On the one hand, it contained elements that helped define a collective identity that subverted plantation authority. On the other hand, it was a source of comfort and control that made plantation life bearable and persuaded slaves not to rebel. It was partly an affirmation of African identity, partly a European lesson in being content with ones place. In the famous words of Karl Marx, religion was at the same time the expression of real distress and the protest against real distress.the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, just as it is the spirit of a spiritless situation. (Marx, 1843/2002) Economics and the limits of the total institution The total institution is not generally an economic unit as well. It tends to exist as in the case of asylums, prisons, concentration camps in order to control the behaviour of those who are institutionalised. If it has an economy, in the narrow sense, it is an economy of efficient control, or exists to occupy people, like political prisoners; in a way that pays for the costs of the institution that imprisons them. The sugar plantation was an immensely profitable economic institution, however, and the economic models that evolved to produce sugar, the justifications for slavery and murderous racial oppression these entailed, and the social structures that emerged to make this violent form of slavery work, should all be seen in the light of the economic motivations they elected. It is tempting to imagine that slave societies did not obey a strict economic logic, in the same sense that capitalist societies do. Some historians (e.g. Genovese, 1989) have tried to make this point in order to define capitalisms distinctly rationalising, dehumanising and commodifying logic. But it seems clear that plantations were subject to economic logic. The difference in plantation models between those colonies most reliant on a steady arrival of new slaves, such as Haiti and those less so, illustrates that the economic exigencies defined by a particular form of productive activity are real and complex. The intensity of the exploitation that characterised Haiti is well established (Bellegarde-Smith, 1990). The economic limitations on the function of the plantation as a total institution are also, in a sense, the limits that the total institution model defines for the economic activities involved. Plantation economies were dedicated to making money, and they made a great deal of it for their plantation owners and their colonial rulers. They were for the most part seen as primitive and unpleasant places by those who made their immense fortunes there rather than societies with any redeeming, justifying values or institutions. An individual or institution dedicated to making money does not exercise more physical control than is necessary. Physical control is expensive, in the number of overseers it requires and in the limits it imposes on the activities of working people. And in the case of an economic unit like a slave plantation, with its vastly-outnumbered overseers, too much control might cause as much unrest as it prevents. It makes better economic sense to find the balance between too much control and too little, and to live with the limits (rebellion, subversive religious and magical practices, escape, clandestine romance and petty economic activities) that this permits. T he most extreme form of resistance is rebellion itself, and there were many rebellions, large and small, among the slaves of the Caribbean. Perhaps one measure of the degree to which economic calculation dominated the logic of plantation slavery is that the possibility of rebellion persisted perhaps it made more economic sense to risk the occasional bloodbath than to exercise the degree of rigorous control that would reduce the risk. Conclusion: The total institution model applies to institutions that function by means of control over the perceptions and sentiments of their inmates, rather than by means of physical force. This paper has argued that the model offers insights into the way in which slave plantation societies functioned, and were able to exercise such cruel authority with recourse to so little active control. The plantation is in fact a good test and confirmation of the model. The power that plantation owners and the government forces that supported them exercised was absolute, but it was not exercised in the form of absolute physical control. This paper has also argued that there are limits to the applicability of the model which reflect the economic motives driving the institution of the plantation. The strength and persistence of the cultural legacy of slavery in syncretic religions, in family structures and of a social order that allowed plantation agriculture to continue after the end of slavery all paint a picture of a complex reality in which the control of the total institution extended no further than was necessary to ensure a profitable sugar industry. The point is that the model of the total institution illuminates general truths about the nature of authority that help explain how and why, once the decision was made to develop Caribbean economies on the basis of slavery was, why the institution of slavery developed developed there as it did, why it persevered, and why in the case of Haiti it was overcome. References Cited Bellegarde-Smith, P. (1990) Haiti: The Breached Citadel. Westview Press. Genovese, Eugene D. (1989) The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South. Middletown,CT: Wesleyan University Press. Goffman, Erving. (1961) Asylums: Essays on the Condition of the Social Situation of Mental Patients and Other Inmates Marx, Karl John C. Raines (2002) Marx on Religion Editor John C. Raines Philadlphia: Temple University Press, 2002 Momsen, Janet. The Double Paradox, in Gendered Realities: Essays in Caribbean Feminist Thought Editor Patricia Mohammed Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2002 Murrell, Nathaniel Samuel (2000) Dangerous Memories, Underdevelopment, and the Bible in Colonial Caribbean Experience in Religion, culture, and tradition in the Caribbean Authors Editors Hemchand Gossai, Nathaniel Samuel Murrell London: Palgrave Macmillan. Smith, Philip (2008) Punishment and culture Chicago:University of Chicago Press. Wiltshire-Brodber, Rosina (2002) Gender, Race and Class in the Caribbean in Gender in Caribbean Development: Papers presented at the Inaugural Seminar of the University of the West Indies Women and Development Studies Project Edited by Patricia Mohammed and Catherine Shepherd Kingston:Canoe Press UWI

Tess Of The Durbervilles: Coincidences Lead To Consequences Essay

The belief that the order of things is already decided and that people's lives are determined by this "greater power" is called fate. Many people, called fatalists, believe in this and that they have no power in determining their futures. Despite this, many others believe that coincidence is the only explanation for the way their lives and others turn out. Thomas Hardy portrays chance and coincidence as having very significant roles in "Tess of the d'Urbervilles" continuously. Three such coincidences were quite influential and had large effects on Tess's future. The first being that Tess Durbeyfield's father, discovered that their family came from the oldest, (and at one time) most wealthiest family in England. Another event that occurs by mere chance in Tess's life is when Tess slips a letter of confession underneath both her lover's door and (by accident) the carpet, where he could not see it. The final coincidence would be the death of Tess's father, which not only leaves Tess in a state of deprivation, but also the rest of her family including her mother and six siblings. All of these coincidences had consequences that would change Tess's life,.For the first sixteen years of her life, Tess Durbeyfield and her family lived in a middle-class-like situation in the town of Marlott. Since her father, was a life-holder on the cottage in which they lived, his rank was above the farm laborers. However, John Durbeyfield is not in good health when we meet him and he does not put much interest in working, and instead spends time drinking. Upon returning to his home one evening, Durbeyfield meets a man named Parson Tringham who tells him that the Durbeyfield family is the "lineal representative of the ancient and knightly family of the d'Urbervilles, who . . . came from Normandy with William the Conqueror."(p. 18) This news suddenly changes Durbeyfield's view on his family's lifestyle and he decides that they should be living as their knightly and noble ancestors once did.With this new lifestyle in mind for his family, John's wife, Joan Durbeyfield recalls that a man by the name of d'Urberville lives not far from their home and might be able to help them in their hard times, seeing as how he is kin to them. After the death of their only horse, the Durbeyfield family must do something to sustain themselves, but Mr. Durbeyfield ref... ... comes of this major coincidence in Tess's life, because if her father hadn't died and Angel hadn't returned at just the right moment, she would not have killed Alec and would not have been sentenced to an execution for her crimes.Through each and every one of these coincidences, Tess's life changed quite dramatically. Each event that occurred by complete chance left Tess in a predicament where she was compelled to take control and do something to improve the situation. No matter where she was--in the location of her birthplace, a sheltered little town, or in the comfortable landscape that surrounded the dairy, or even in the harsh scenery of the farm-- Tess always knew where she belonged and what she was meant to do in each place. Every coincidence or occurrence that came along, forced Tess to rethink her situation and draw up the courage that to realize who she was and where she was going. The consequences that came, due to her decisions were all ones that Tess was ready for. Even when sixteen men followed her so that she could be punished for the murder of Alec d'Urberville. "'It is as it should be. . .This happiness could not have lasted. . .I am ready.'" (p.417)

The Biography of Andrew Johnson

Andrew Johnson was born on December 1808. He was the 17th president of the United States. Johnson had been born into extreme poverty and had no formal education. Yet with determination and hard work, he had risen rapidly through politics, to state government and on to national office. He married Eliza McCardle, who was a school-teacher and was a big part of Johnson†s education, she helped him learn how to write and do arithmetic. He had three sons and two daughters. Andrew Johnson was a democratic and had served in the Senate from 1857- 1862. In the early months of the Civil War, Johnson was forced to flee his own state to avoid arrest. When federal troops conquered Nashville, he resigned his Senate seat in March 1862 to accept President Lincoln†s appointment as military governor of Tennessee. He served as vice president for a month in 1865, and as president for the balance of Lincoln†s terms. In January 1875, Johnson won back his former Senate seat after a struggle that forced the Tennessee legislature through 56 separate ballots. Johnson took his Senate deposition before the same body that only seven years earlier had failed by a single vote to remove him from the White House on March 5, 1875. During the 19 day Senate special session, he delivered a political turmoil in Louisiana and then returned to Tennessee, where he died four months later on July 31, 1875. He suffered from a stroke. Johnson was buried on a hilltop in Greenville, wrapped in a 37 star flag with a copy of the Constitution under his head.

Would Life in the State of Nature Be Intolerable as Hobbes?

Would life in the State of Nature be intolerable as Hobbes and Locke believe? The state of nature is described as a primitive state untouched by civilization; it is the condition before the rule of law and is therefore a synonym of Anarchy. Anarchy means without government, anarchist thought is the conviction that existing forms of government are productive of wars, internal violence, repression and misery. Hobbes political philosophy considers what the life of man would be like without the state; of which is described as ‘brutish, short and nasty. ’ This view strongly contrasts with the utopian elements in anarchist thought.The Leviathan, which is an archetypal statement of the need for strong government equates anarchy with violence and disorder. The complexity of political ideas generated by both philosophies can be examined and contrasted against one another; to generate an opposite consistent anarchist inversion of Hobbism thought that justifies life in a state of n ature that is not insufferable. Hobbes explores the logic of a situation in which human nature predisposes men to act in certain ways, and there is no superior power to stop them from warring with each other (Sorrel, 1996).Therefore in the state of nature there is no economic prosperity, as this depends on security and co-operation, no scientific knowledge ‘ no arts; no letters; no society; and which is worst of all continual fear and danger of violent death’( Leviathan 82) This is an intense and extreme depiction of what life would be like with no government at all. Superimposed on this are images of a partial state of nature resulting from the breakdown of central government, or civil war, the realistic dangers Hobbes is trying to avert ( Gauthier, 1969)Hobbes abstract justification for government rests on the legalistic fiction of the social contract. The contract is created between two individuals motivated to set up a government because of the miseries they endure in the state of nature of which there is no stable social organisation (Sorrel, 1986). Hobbes rationalises that individuals driven by fear and in search of peace would all come together to draw up a peace treaty, and simultaneously set up a sovereign in order to ensure that the promise is attained. Hobbes shows that it is in the interest of the people to live under a strong overnment, and therefore one should act in a way as to maintain the existing government (Sorrel, 1986). Moral obligation and its involvement in legal practice is something that is used to conclude that government is necessary, useful and has legitimate authority. In comparison, the anarchist William Godwin replied to the notion of an original contract by constructing a rational anarchist philosophy. He pertained that contracts were not between the fictitious entity the ‘people’ and the government, but between specific individuals (Woodcock, 1977).Godwin’s society would not be built In an assum ed past as Hobbes was, but on series of mutually and constantly renewed compacts between freely contracting individuals, permanent contracts such as marriage were seen as an infringement of freedom: this theory was based on the principle of justice in anarchist thought ( Nozick, 2006) The impact of Hobbes theory is based on the evocation of violence, fears and chaos which ensues without the role of the government to enforce law.If theses notions are ‘reversed, it can be argued that men are by nature, when uncorrupted by the perverting influence of the government and evil societies, peace loving and activated by spontaneous sympathy towards others’ ( Nozick, 2006) Therefore the logic of the situation is reversed; Government now ceases to be the protector of the individual and a guarantor of their lives and property. Instead ‘the state is seen as a chief threat to liberty, security and prosperity of the individual, whom it circumscribes with laws and regulationsâ₠¬â„¢ ( Rotberg, 2004) Hobbes did concede that governments might harm their subjects’ (Gauthier, 1969) but retained that this harm would ensue a lot less damage compared to the horror inflicted upon man in a state of war and calamity as in an anarchist society. Anarchists like Godwin and Tolstoy believed that governments are responsible for the greatest crimes, and promote devastating wars between states ( Ferrel, 2001). It is of course an over simplification that to say that anarchists believe men are always naturally coercive and peaceable, just as it is misleading to suggest that Hobbes thought all men were competitive and vainglorious .The anarchists conclude that government is a great and unnecessary evil, and that anarchy in the literal sense of no government need not mean anarchy in the popular sense of violence and disorder (Bain, 1967) . ‘The most basic element common to both theoretical frameworks is the assumption that social analysis begins with the individua l, his personal desires and wishes’ (Ferrel, 2001) rather than with the society as a whole; political conclusions are based on an individualist position. Hobbes defines freedom as the absence of external constraints on the individual.The need for a strong government to prevent civil war can be replaced with the government’s priority to promote a natural harmony of interests. ‘The restrictive role of the state is reduced to a minimum, and the logical consequence is a laissez faire liberalism in which there is a belief in the role of the state in maintaining internal peace, and providing defence against external enemies’ (Woodcock, 1977). If this brand of liberalism is taken to its logical extreme what results, is a kind of laissez faire anarchism postulating a natural harmony of interests in all spheres of social life. Woodcock, 1977) This is a conception of individual freedom that can be attained in a state of nature that is accepted by Hobbes. Although he does not believe in overriding the rights of the government, he espouses radical egalitarianism ( Gauthier,1969) . The equality of all men is a notion that is pertained in order to deny the nobility of the privileged, and hence disruptive status within the realm; all men are equally obliged to obey the sovereign ( Sorrel, 1996) The basic sense of equality against all men in the state of nature is necessary if all men are to live under a sovereign.He refutes the idea that some sections of humanity are naturally superior to others, the aristocracy are not superior by nature, but by social convention; women are not inferior by nature but by family convention. ( Sorrel, 1986) .In Godwin’s theory of justice it is understood that all men and women are morally equal, therefore justice demands they should be socially and economically equal. Therefore in a state of nature of which all men are equal, there would be no need for any civil war, as no man is above another nor has the auth ority to claim war against any fellow man (Woodcock, 1977)Hobbes psychological outlook on the nature of man is similar to an anarchist libertarian approach. The pleasures of life, especially sex, are viewed as passionate desire of man which should not be denied (Bain, 1967). There is no hierarchy of higher and lower passions, man is perceived as a machine motivated by a succession of desires: this view is subversive of social taboos and social morality (Gauthier, 1969). A belief in the fulfilment of mans natural desires can be turned into a positive plea to encourage individuals to satisfy their desires and find happiness (Ferrel, 2001).This could be achieved in a state of nature governed by anarchist thought, it is a position that would serve man well and allow them personal freedom against the walls of repression produced under the laws of government. Another direct assessment can be proposed regarding the outlook of law between the two contrasting philosophies. For Hobbes the law is defined as the will and authority of the sovereign, and is not due to the law of nature or the principles of natural justice.If the legitimacy of the sovereign’s authority is denied then so is the legitimacy of the law (Rotberg, 2004) . If one believes in independent standards of justice and morality; as do anarchists, existing laws can be judged as morally unjust. Moreover if government in itself is an evil then the laws propagated by the governments are not only coercive restrictions on individual liberty, but an intolerable form of coercion (Nozick, 2006) In conclusion, life in the state of nature would not be an unbearable way to live.There is a possibility that man may live harmoniously without the need of government to restrain them; as they are able to direct their passions and desires using a sense of rationality. The use of government has an inverse effect on society which causes corruption and creates wars with the use of individual power and authority. Hobbes s eems to be describing a society of beasts in anarchy after the disturbing influences of the state has been removed, after which people are unaware of the natural laws of equality of which they should live by. References Woodcock, George, (1977) The Anarchist Reader, chpt7 †¢ Ferrel, Jeff, (2001) Tearing Down The Streets; Adventures in Urban Anarchy, chpt 5, 2, 1 †¢ Nozick, Robert, ( 2006) Anarchy State and Utopia, chpt 2, 5 †¢ Rotberg, Robert, ( 2004) When States Fail; Causes and Consequences, chpt 4 †¢ Bain, William, ( 1967) Between Anarchy and Society chpt 1, 2, 3 †¢ Gauthier, David, ( 1969) The Logic of Leviathan, chpt 1, 2, 5 †¢ Sorrel, Tom, ( 1986) The Arguments Of Philosophies, chpt 8, 11 †¢ Sorrel, Tom ( 1996) Cambridge Companion to Hobbes, chpt 9 chpt = Chapter